Volume 12 - Issue 61
/ January 2023
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http:// www.amazoniainvestiga.info ISSN 2322- 6307
DOI: https://doi.org/10.34069/AI/2023.61.01.14
How to Cite:
Kussepova, G.T., Karabulatova, I.S., Kenzhigozhina, K.S., Bakhus, A.O., & Vorontsov, K.V. (2023). Verification of
communicative types in the judicial public space of media discourse in the USA, Kazakhstan and Russia as a psycholinguistic
marker of fact-checking. Amazonia Investiga, 12(61), 131-144. https://doi.org/10.34069/AI/2023.61.01.14
Verification of communicative types in the judicial public space of
media discourse in the USA, Kazakhstan and Russia as a
psycholinguistic marker of fact-checking
Верификация коммуникативных типажей в судебном публичном пространстве
медиадискурсов США, Казахстана и России как психолингвистический маркер
фактчекинга
Received: January 16, 2023 Accepted: February 20, 2023
Written by:
Gulzat T. Kussepova60
https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9556-8763
Irina S. Karabulatova61
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4228-3235
Karlygash S. Kenzhigozhina62
https://orcid.org/0000-0003-3574-0941
Aleksey O. Bakhus63
https://orcid.org/0000-0001-9738-4896
Konstantin V. Vorontsov64
https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4244-4270
Abstract
Modern psycholinguistic research and fact-
checking actively explore the space of media
discourse. However, the representation of the
judicial space in the mass media has not been
sufficiently studied due to the peculiarities of
communicative behavior in the judicial and legal
space of the ethno-socius and the attitude to the
judiciary. The authors hypothesize that the
differences in public behavior in court and the
coverage of the work of courts in the American,
Kazakh and Russian media are due to the socio-
cultural features of the phenomena of judicial and
legal communication in public space under the
influence of established traditions in such
coordinate systems as “person – judicial system”,
“openness – closeness of society”, “unity –
disunity of society”, “accessibility –
stigmatization”, “court – journalistic
60
PhD student of L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University. (Astana, Kazakhstan)
61
Doctor of Philology, Professor, Research-Professor of the Department of Foreign Languages, Faculty of Philology, RUDN-
university (Moscow, Russia), Deputy Head of the Laboratory of IAI of Lomonosov Moscow State University (Moscow, Russia),
expert of Department of Mashing Learning and Digital Humanities of MIPT (Dolgoprudny, Russia)
62
PhD of Philology, Associate Professor L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University. (Astana, Kazakhstan)
63
PhD of Philology, Senior Lecturer of the course “Modern technologies of mass media and MC”, Faculty of Philology, RUDN-
university (Moscow, Russia)
64
Doctor of Mathematics, Professor RAS, Head of Department of Mathematical Methods of Forecasting of Faculty of
Computational Mathematics and Cybernetics of Lomonosov Moscow State University (Moscow, Russia), Head of the
Laboratory of IAI of Lomonosov Moscow State University (Moscow, Russia), Head of Department of Mashing Learning and
Digital Humanities of MIPT (Dolgoprudny, Russia)
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investigation”, etc. The results confirm the
hypothesis of the authors' team, revealing the
difference in the perception of the judicial system
in the USA, Kazakhstan and Russia, illustrating
the "rejection" of the Soviet and post-Soviet
stigmatization of the judicial and legal space by
the Kazakh society towards democratic norms.
The prospects of the study are related to the
subsequent development of an automatic system
for evaluating speech behavior strategies in court
and their coverage in the media as a category of
fact-checking.
Keywords: discourselogy, communicative
behavior, judicial and legal system, NLP,
comparative studies, confidence marker.
Introduction
Communicative types in the judicial space of
media discourse are implemented within a
certain coordinate system, weakening
/strengthening the perception of the reliability of
events covered in the media.
Modern linguistics considers the phenomenon of
homo est iudicialis as a multi-tiered, systematic
education. On the one hand, the linguistic
personality acts as a concentration of discursive
practices of society, representing a set of certain
social and professional roles within which we
carry out interpersonal communicative
interaction. On the other hand, the personality of
the communicant has a certain structure, which is
proved by numerous studies of psychologists (as
it was proved in the works of Stratton, 2017,
Costello, 2010, etc.).
The research methodology is synergetic in
nature: a) a general hypothetical-deductive
method; b) purely linguistic methods of
interpreting media discourses in order to
comprehend the essence of the phenomenon
under study and discursive analysis; c) NLP
methods aimed at formalizing linguistic analysis,
comparing and classifying known and new
linguistic facts in public judicial discourse,
conceptual modeling and definitional
interpretation of the communicative type in the
public judicial space of media discourse. The
scientific novelty lies in the choice of the object
of research and the definition of the
communicative type in the judicial space of
media discourse as a verifying marker of
reliability/unreliability of a communicative
event. The empirical material consisted of
articles on the coverage of socially significant
court sessions in the USA, Kazakhstan and
Russia, articles on the judicial system in these
countries.
The modern post-Soviet space is characterized
by heterogeneity of preferred discursive
strategies in society, demonstrating the
consequences of choosing different bifurcation
points for their countries, which either adhere to
different coordinate systems, balancing between
East and West (Barabash et al., 2019). In this
regard, of particular interest is the transformation
of attitudes to the coverage of high-profile court
cases in the mass media space of Kazakhstan,
Russia and the United States with the
presentation of communicative types of judicial
and legal media discourse. The choice of
countries is determined by historical and
geopolitical ties. Thus, the American linguistic
culture demonstrates a steady interest in court
proceedings, public hearings (Summers, 999;
Gormley, 1961; Gutterman, 2022). The
communicative type is understood as a
linguosemiotic and linguocultural phenomenon
realized by one or another linguistic personality
(Chekulai et al., 2021).
Literature review
Linguocultural types and communicative types in
the Kazakh linguoculture reveal a lacuna. The
description of etiquette and norms of
Kussepova, G.T., Karabulatova, I.S., Kenzhigozhina, K.S., Bakhus, A.O., & Vorontsov, K.V. / Volume 12 - Issue 61: 131-144 /
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communication are related to general
ethnopsycholinguistic norms in Kazakh culture
(Kobzhasarova, 2012). At the same time, we
must admit that to describe such linguistic and
cultural communicative types as bai, biy, akyns,
zhyrshy, in their evolution, separate dissertation
research is required, which cannot be covered by
this article. Modern communicative types in
Kazakh culture reflect global trends while
preserving ethnic and socio-cultural specifics.
In this connection, the authors consider the
general distribution of complexity across all
terms in the language, which is especially
important for the development of our topic
(Eremeev & Vorontsov, 2019).
Russian discursology distinguishes such
communicative linguistic and cultural types as
"Russian intellectual", "slob", "fan" (Karasik,
2016; 2005), "Russian entrepreneur" (Ivanova,
2010, 4-31), "Russian warrior", "soldier",
"general", "Cossack" (Yelina, 2005), "The
Russian nobleman" (Kvartovkina, 2005),
"English businessman" (Mikhailova, 2005),
"American cowboy" (Mishchenko, 2005),
"manager" (Klimenko, 2014), "boss" (Dubinina,
2005), "politician" (Zheltukhina, 2010), "lamer",
"hacker" (Lutovinova, 2008), "evil mother-in-
law" (Volkova, 2010). These types reflect the
established speech stereotypes and
communicative behavior of the Russian-
speaking and English-speaking linguistic
personality.
The researchers emphasize that the perception of
the government itself and society as a whole
within the framework of the civilizational model
of the world depends on how the communicative
types symbolizing the judiciary, the defendant,
the prosecutor, the witness, the victim, the
arbitrator/independent judge are positioned in the
media (Dubrovskaya, 2016; Stepanyuk et al.,
2022; Senyk et al., 2022; Akkurt et al., 2021). At
the same time, the mass media are trying to create
narratives of court proceedings in the role
position of the communicative type "arbitrator",
forming both the image of the judiciary, the state,
and the defendant, prosecutor, lawyer, witness,
independent experts, providing the target
audience with versatile information about the
explicit and hidden illegal activities that led to
this trial.
Consequently, the representation of the judicial
and legal narrative in the media discourse in such
genre groups as: 1) genres of representation of
facts; 2) evaluation genres; 3) artistic genres
(Dankova, 2017). These genres also include
mockumentary, whose role is being reinforced in
modern cognitive information wars of a hybrid
type (Mishurova, 2022; Sander, 2022; Sinitsyn et
al., 2022). The ideological modality of the
coverage of trials in the mass media gives any
information an ideological coloring that is
consistent with the value system of society.
The need for cooperation between the judicial
and legal system and the media is regulated in the
Concept of Information Policy of the judicial
system (Order No. 194, 2012; Decree No. 60,
2001).
The US judicial System (State Unified Court
System) widely uses the concept of "e-court",
which allows the user to get direct information to
court sessions via Internet access from almost
anywhere to obtain materials about any court
case or other related information. E-court is
implemented through the systems "Case
Management or Electronic Archive of Cases"
(Case Management/Electronic Case Files
(CM/ECF)) and "Open Access to court
Electronic Records" (Public Access to Court
Electronic Records), which include the following
functions:
1) court case management (tracking the
process, responses, deadlines and hearings);
2) introduction of additional information,
documents and changes to cases;
3) search for documents;
4) management, storage, backup copies and
archiving of electronic documents;
5) sending documents from the court, to the
court or directly within it;
6) providing information about other parties in
the case, about the date of filing and storage
of the document.
The authority of the court as the most important
component of the rule of law should be
strengthened and supported in every possible
way (Blake, 2014). Without the interaction of the
judiciary with the media, the goal can hardly be
achieved.
As a rule, messages on "high-profile" cases in the
media discourse appeal to background
knowledge and value constants in society, which
allows not only to establish rapport with the
expectations of the target audience (Coibion,
Gorodnichenko, & Kamdar, 2018), but also to
form an evaluative perception of events and their
participants among recipients (Bolotnov, 2015).
In this regard, researchers distinguish among the
journalistic community such communicative
types as a writer, blogger, witness (user)
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(Bolotnov, 2015; Lipchanskaya & Privalov,
2021). At the same time, the communicative
types found in the judicial and legal media
discourse rarely become the object of close
attention in linguistics. At the same time,
journalistic investigations, as well as news from
the courtroom, as well as various reality shows of
the judicial plan directly indicate the demand for
such discourses in modern society.
When mass media create narratives of a judicial
and legal orientation, they pursue the following
tasks: 1) providing the target audience with
complete information about the illegal actions of
officials, politicians, media personalities,
individual antisocial citizens; 2) providing
information about the mechanisms of a particular
judicial and legal media discourse;
3) strengthening value orientations in society
with the help of mass media through an appeal to
background knowledge; 4) creating social
attitudes; 5) forming and transformation of the
image of the defendants in a particular case.
Kazakhstan and Russia are characterized by such
headings in the media as "From the courtroom",
TV simulations of the court session, radio, TV
shows such as "Your Lawyer"/ "Your Lawyer",
as well as relevant new legal media that form
public opinion about the law and legality, judicial
procedures and the main actors- participants in
the trials. At the same time, TV simulations of
court sessions are close to mockumentary
(Gutterman, 2022).
Materials and methods
The stated problem predetermined the task of
determining the cognitive-pragmatic specifics of
the judicial media discourse using genre analysis
and comparative analysis to determine
communication strategies and tactics in the
formation of communicative types.
In this connection, the examples of judicial
media discourse were compared with the data of
informants' surveys in Kazakhstan, which made
it possible to clarify the differential signs of
various communicative types in judicial media
discourse, to analyze associative links with the
analysis of lexical and phraseological
objectification of legal concepts in judicial media
discourse based on the analysis of the corpus of
contexts, in which there is a modeling of the
permanent characteristics of the communicative
behavior of the main communicative types
within the framework of the discourse under
consideration, taking into account the analysis of
discursive features, i.e., consideration of the
parameter of speech activity (goal, strategy,
method of implementing speech actions, features
of communicative behavior) and questioning.
The study is based on the data of news materials,
where the progress of the consideration of cases
or the decision of a judge in the Republic of
Kazakhstan, the USA and Russia was
announced. The comparative analysis is
conditioned by the historical context of the
common past (Kazakhstan and Russia) and the
democratic goal-setting of modern development
(Kazakhstan and the USA). At the same time, the
prognostication of Kazakhstan's judicial media
discourse in comparison with Russia and the
United States is a priority.
100 people from among Kazakhstani students
took part in the survey. Such a comparison of the
data of desk and field research is aimed at using
the "ideality" of communication (Apel, 1998),
the "ideality" of the speaker (Chomsky, 1995;
McGilvray, 1979), the "ideality" of speech
communication (Habermas et al., 1974; Lincoln,
2020) as prototypes and is focused on
understanding the "limitless" communication as
such.
Results
However, the expansion of the sphere of
intercultural communication, the digitalization of
social and managerial life and globalization
contribute to the unification of behavioral norms
with the loss of specific ethno-psycholinguistic
norms of one people. The positioning of news
within the judicial media discourse shows that
these norms affect the submission of such
information guides, and representatives of the
media sphere are not always able to interpret it
correctly and react accordingly.
This, in turn, leads to communication failures in
such a conflict-prone area as judicial media
discourse. Knowledge of behavioral features,
including the features of spatial behavior, in
situations of judicial communication is necessary
for a proper understanding of the intentions of all
participants in the communicative process to
achieve the goal of judicial media discourse and,
as a result, to establish harmonious social
communication.
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Fig. 1. Gradation of rumors as sources of conflictogenicity in the public consciousness (Developed by us
based on the analysis of materials: Olshansky D.V. Psychology of the masses. St. Petersburg: Peter, 2001).
We believe that the public legal media discourse
is closely related to the phenomenon of rumors,
since it either prevents their development or
stimulates them. It is known that rumors are a
phenomenon of interpersonal exchange of
distorted, emotionally colored information.
Legal cases are accompanied by incomplete
openness, which contributes to the emergence
and spread of rumors. At the same time, rumors
act as a specific type of interpersonal
communication, during which the plot, to a
certain extent reflecting some real or fictional
events, becomes the property of a vast diffuse
audience (fig.1). All this together actualizes the
manifestation of one or another communicative
type that contributes to the dissemination of false
information, or its deliberate distortion.
D. V. Olshansky (2001) believes that rumors
always carry false information (Olshansky,
2001). The work with rumors itself is correlated
with the technology of fact-checking, since it
uses classifications according to the degree of
reliability / unreliability of information.
However, since Kazakhstan has widely used oral
transmission of knowledge, therefore, scrupulous
adherence to details and observance of the truth
of the presentation is a distinctive feature of the
Kazakh mentality in contrast to the Russian and
Western European. In Kazakh culture, the
spoken word still has full weight, thanks to which
the reliability of information, its identity to the
original, is preserved. Due to the specifics of the
Kazakh mentality, Kazakh lawyers are actively
arguing in professional social networks about the
need for emotivity in court (Whether emotions
are needed in court. Kazakhstan Legal Forum,
(n/d)). The classification of rumors under
consideration demonstrates how what is said
between people goes into the public sphere,
influencing decision-making. Russian
researchers believe that written information is
invariably transformed into hearing when
retelling (Olshansky, 2001).
This method of working with public
consciousness was widely used and is used
during the wars, which is clearly seen in the
material of the Siberian press during the First
World War and the Civil War, the White Cossack
uprisings. At this time, the mass media became
the conductors of rumors, stirring up the public
consciousness.
Accordingly, each type of public communication
corresponds to a certain communicative type.
Thus, the communicative type "slander" will
differ from the communicative type "gossip",
despite some similarity of communicative
manifestations. The communicative type of
"ham" in some features will be similar to the
communicative type of "truth-teller".
Such communicative types are often used to
create a stir and raise the degree of public
sentiment. At the same time, the so-called
communicative type of the "leader of public
opinion" can be correlated with the
communicative type of the "expert", however,
the leader of public opinion may not always
correspond to the competence of the expert, but
is an expression of public opinion.
The new fact-checking procedure emerged as an
unbiased analysis of the reliability of the facts
and events presented in the media discourse
(Lelo, 2022; Dubrovskaya, 2017) using artificial
intelligence methods and subject expert
assessment. As a rule, the role position of a judge
is focused on emotional coldness, therefore, in
American linguoculture, attributing emotional
traits to a judge is considered a gross insult
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(Maroney, 2017). Kazakh and Russian courts
may call on the defendant, the prosecutor, the
victim, the lawyer, and witnesses to restrain their
emotions more harshly than it can be in an
American court.
At the same time, calls have been heard more and
more recently to consider the role position of a
judge as a person involved in judicial discourse
with all its inherent human qualities and
experiences, recognizing that the absence of
emotions also carries a destructive component in
the personality structure. Thus, Russian judges
directly say that "professional deformation
occurs without emotions" (Zhuravleva &
Kurskaya Pravda, 2022).
Kazakh lawyers discuss the possibilities of
expressing emotions during trials on their forum,
noting that in the Russian media space, conflict-
causing labels are widespread, unlike in the
Kazakh media (Do emotions need to be at trial?
Kazakhstan Legal Forum, (n/d)).
The emergence of access to the data arrays of the
judicial media discourse, on the one hand,
facilitates the work of experts and the interested
community, and on the other hand, complicates
the work of analysts due to the abundance of
disparate data. If we take for example the Kazakh
and Russian judicial media courses, then in most
cases it is simply impossible to get access to a
large number of documents.
The speech and behavioral profile of
communicative types in judicial discourse is
regulated by judicial ethics, which is consistent
with ethno-psycholinguistic norms in the
country, they are determined by the degree of
stability of traditions in a particular society. In
this regard, Kazakhstan demonstrates a course of
soft assimilation of national traditions with
democratic innovations, illustrating its
commitment to the Eurasian path.
The complexity of the analysis of the judicial
media discourse is that, as a rule, the main
information targets are thematic fields with a
destructive emoticeme of stigmatization. For
example: "corruption", "orphanhood",
"widowhood", "illness", "murder", "mutilation",
"resettlement", "eviction", "special settlement",
"deportation", "prisoner", "poverty", "poverty",
racial and ethnic labels, etc.
Interpretation of the materials of the judicial
media discourse is saturated with contradictory
subjective assessments, in connection with which
the provision of objectification of data on a
particular trial serves as fact-checking (Schuldt,
2021). The appeal to this problem is caused by
numerous distortions in socio-political and other
discourses that contribute to the promotion of
destructive moods in society.
American, Kazakh and Russian ethno-linguistic
culture acts as a unique national-cultural
community, which is characterized by a certain
well-established behavior, manifested, in
particular, during communication between its
representatives.
From the point of view of structural formality, we
can point to the presence of two levels in judicial
media communication – direct and indirect
(Fig.2).
Proxemics is the science of the communicative
space, the human perception of the
communicative space and its use to achieve the
goal. Certain spatial behavior is used in various
types of discourse, but in judicial media
communication it has its own specifics, taking
into account the protocol-ritual nature of the
relationship between the participants of this
specific communication, the stages of judicial
media communication, speech-behavioral
profiles and intentions of communicants.
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Fig. 2. The internal structure of the judicial media communication (compiled by the author's team.
Kussepova et al.).
The lack of access to judicial and procedural
information in Russian and Kazakh societies is a
legacy of a common historical past. However, the
widespread use of digital tools makes it possible
to quickly bring information from the courts to
target audiences, which contributes to both the
information society and its polarization. Court
reporters and columnists in Russian and Kazakh
societies face a number of problems related to
access to judicial information: mainly it is the
negative attitude of judges to the presence of
journalists at court sessions, the reluctance of
judges to provide copies of decisions and
sentences for publication. In turn, such behavior
of representatives of the judicial and legal system
actualizes the features of aggressiveness, harsh
A court report lasts no more than 1-2 minutes, so
each word serves as the center of the associative
field, appealing to the verbal memory and
background knowledge accepted in a particular
ethno-socio-culture. The very concept of a
journalist is clearly connected with the role
positions that representatives of this profession
occupy in Russian and Kazakh societies. In total,
about 100 associations related to this word were
recorded: author, blog, notebook, letters, paper,
news, video, questions, lies, gross lies, fantasies,
newspaper, gloss, girl, money, dialogue,
announcer, Dictaphone, microphone, woman,
magazine, journalism, female journalist, angry
and boorish journalist, headline, note, record,
salary, stars, celebrity, scandal, publication,
publisher, interview, internet, information,
camera, channel, kiosk, book, column, computer,
correspondent, sheet, gossip, people, material,
fashion, man, news, communication, operator,
survey, essay, points, paparazzi, transfer, pen,
print, print, scribbler, writer, write, letter,
politics, truth, press, program, falsification of
facts, propaganda, profession, publication,
work, radio, blogger, conversation, story,
investigation, editor, editorial, reportage,
reporter, pen, sensation, word, mass media, mass
communication, event, informational occasion,
sport, article, court, shooting, text, television,
TV, debauchery, TV channel, murder, duck,
photo, camera, photographer, photograph,
person, read, watch, broadcast.
The communicative type "journalist" is
characterized in such frequency phrases as: hot
spot, newspaper journalist, investigative
journalism, coffee table, outrageous journalist,
yellow press, bad journalist, live broadcast,
newspaper article, smart journalist, journalism
faculty, good journalist, competent journalist.
The public's belief in the power of the "fourth
power" is reflected in fiction: "The belief or hope
that a well-known journalist will be able to stir
up public opinion, attract the attention of
interested persons, up to the top leadership of the
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country, to such a... er... global problem"
(Shakhov, 2012). Communicative "stroking"
provides adjustment to the internal picture of the
recipients' world, subconsciously adjusting to the
cognitive-behavioral paradigm of the addressee
of mass media discourse. As a rule, the subject of
consciousness of the conflictogenic story itself,
beginning with the words "In this city/ district/
country/ village/ family / collective...", is a
correspondent / eyewitness / blogger who
describes the place and time of the outbreak of
the conflict as a kind of plot, concretizing or
creating the appearance of concretization of the
described conflictogenic source of the message
as the forerunner of a specific judicial situation.
For example: "A resident of Valuyki told the
details of the shelling. A local resident told how
it was" (Bel.ru, 09/16/2022); "The settlers
recalled how frightened hares sat on the islands
formed in the middle of the water, and people,
with the compassion of Grandfather Mazai, made
rafts for them and felled trees, building bridges
so that the animals could move "to the
mainland"" (Ohotnick, 13.12.2013).
In contrast to journalists, representatives of the
judicial system are distinguished by their
closeness. As a rule, judges do not contact
journalists, refuse to comment on their decisions,
do not take the initiative to provide the media
with information about how they protect the
rights of citizens — information that most
contributes to the formation of a positive image
of the courts.
This behavior of judges is due to a high degree of
destructiveness, which permeates the entire
conceptual space of the judicial and legal media
discourse, which has a well-organized field
structure. The nuclear concepts of the conceptual
space of the judicial media discourse include the
emotive concepts "anger", "rage", "hatred",
"contempt", "fear", "aggression". This also
includes the emotional and behavioral concepts
of "revenge", "jealousy", "black envy",
"struggle", "persecution". The near periphery of
this space is formed from such emotive concepts
as "irritation", "dislike", "resentment", "fear",
"domination", i.e. those that are causally related
to emotive stimuli of pronounced destructive-
criminal behavior. Then there are a couple of
prototypical scenarios for the development of
"aggressive" emotions. The far periphery is
formed from concepts, the content of which is
indirectly related to the phenomenon of criminal
antisocial behavior with a vivid manifestation of
destructiveness.
The communicative types of the criminal are
closely related to destructive emotions. These
motifs are characterized by plasticity, which
allows them to be subjected to a formalized
analysis. Conceptualization itself materializes a
person's ideas about the criminogenic nature of
aggression as a kind of spontaneous force that is
difficult to consciously control on the part of a
person, and therefore needs social regulation.
Verbal conceptualization of destructive
criminogenic behavior is conditioned by the
iconic somatic fixation of emotions.
The manifestation of the communicative type in
situations of judicial and legal media discourse it
is connected with the role position of the actor,
expressed by the basic goal setting, strategies and
speech-behavioral tactics. At the same time, the
communicative type of one or another factor in
the judicial media discourse is controlled by the
dominant emotions of the injured applicant and
the accused defendant. The very communicative
behavior of the criminal type can be focused on
open conflict and destruction (communicative
types "bully", "boor"). Hidden criminal
communicative behavior uses indirect,
prolonged destructive influence of the defendant
on the victim (communicative types "domestic
tyrant", "jealous", "bribe taker", "envious",
"confidence fraudster", etc.).
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Greed Fraud Emotional Coldness Obsceneness Sexual promiscuity
blue color - Russian language; orange color - English language; gray color - Kazakh language
Fig. 3. Typical features of a destructive communicative type in judicial media discourse.
Fig. 3 shows typical actions of the criminal
communicative type in the representation of
native speakers of Russian, English and Kazakh
languages in the judicial media discourse. Thus,
the ideas of the criminal communicative type in
the judicial media discourse of the USA,
Kazakhstan and Russia are quite stereotypical.
The judicial media discourse reflects the
everyday use of words and native speakers' ideas
about the criminal communicative type.
Discussion
We start from the interpretation of judicial
discourse proposed by Kuban scientists
E. N. Luchinskaya and I. B. Sizonenko, who
rightly consider judicial discourse as a kind of
legal discourse (Luchinskaya & Sizonenko,
2013). At the same time, the formalization of
legal discourse in Russia, the so-called
LegalTech, ignores this subtype of legal
discourse, believing that judicial discourse is
exclusively a field of legal documents
(Tiutiunnik, 2018; Bibas, 2001). It is obvious that
judicial discourse and judicial media discourse
are not identical, since judicial discourse is
understood as an activity taking place in a
courtroom.
In this regard, it is impossible to put an equal sign
between judicial discourse and judicial media
discourse, despite the apparent similarity
between these close, but not identical subtypes. It
is not by chance that researchers focus their
attention on speech strategies and language
means of expressing the conflictogenicity of
judicial discourse in the courtroom (Zaytseva,
2016). In our opinion, conflictogems as a
designation of a conflictogenic provocative
meaning in a lexeme deserve separate
consideration and standardization for subsequent
formalization.
0
10
20
30
40
50
60
70
80
90
Typical features of a destrucrive communicative type in judicial
media discourse
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We believe that conflict situations of judicial
discourse actualize the corresponding
communicative types with vivid demonstrative
behavior in order to attract the attention of the
target audience and model certain public
attitudes (Eliot, 2020). In this connection, we
observe a strict selection of language tools when
describing situations related to media
personalities, opinion leaders, politicians, and
government representatives (Okolyshev et al.,
2022).
Some Russian scientists believe that a lawyer
uses attack strategies at a court hearing
(Zaytseva, 2016), which we cannot agree with,
since aggressive speech strategies (attacks and
accusations) are characteristic of both a lawyer
and a prosecutor with maximum polarization.
This situation allowed Western scientists to
define judicial discourse as a multimodal and
complexly organized construct, which also has a
number of limitations (Dipika & Kimberly,
2020).
At the same time, despite the implementation of
the detailing of speech strategies and tactics in
the American judicial discourse (Pelepeychenko,
Zatsnyi, & Zaitseva, 2021), we see a lag in the
modeling of communicative types in the judicial
media discourse. This situation is due, in our
opinion, to the fact that the pragmatics of the
analysis of the judicial media discourse is
focused on linguistic means of manipulating
public sentiment, ignoring the very figures of the
actors of the judicial media discourse, who are
the maximum expression of their role roles.
This issue seems to us far from idle, but
especially relevant in the era of digital
information warfare, when all recipients of
digital content can become jurors (Qin et al.,
2022) and the Internet space becomes a judicial
platform. Ignoring the role positions set by the
court procedure itself and the established
ethnopsycholinguistic norms of communication
can play a negative role in assessing reliability.
We proceed from psychological theories, thanks
to which it is possible to determine the
psycholinguistic parameters of the
communicative type of a deceiver, provocateur,
gossip, liar as a source of false information, in
contrast to the style of truth. Based on this, the
analysis of the speech behavior of public opinion
leaders in the judicial media discourse should be
aimed at identifying manipulations and fake
news by detecting the linguistic style of news
articles in the judicial media discourse
(Vorontsov & Potapenko, 2014). This includes
the author's use of words with the establishment
of new associative connections between words
with the subsequent transformation of lexical
meaning (at the lexico-semantic level), the
construction of phrases and sentences (at the
syntactic level) and extralinguistic connections
(at the discursive level) (Karabulatova, 2020).
Within the framework of machine learning, such
studies analyze the linguistic style of news by
calculating the frequencies of each word at the
lexicographic level, at the grammar level, the
frequency of occurrence of parts of speech is
calculated, at the level of syntax and discourse,
rhetorical and pragmatic relations.
Conclusion
The analysis of the conducted studies of
linguistic and cultural communicative types
associated with the criminogenic sphere and
judicial media discourse allows us to conclude
that today the term "communicative type of
judicial media discourse" unites numerous types
that can be distributed into various groups, which
are based on: 1) socio-cultural characteristics and
dependence on lifestyle; 2) psychological
dominants of character; 3) ethno-national-
cultural and regional specifics; 4) professional
characteristics; 5) historical, cultural and
confessional context, etc. However, a special
place is occupied by criminogenic types, which
are based on the features of the antisocial
communicative behavior of the individual (for
example, "boor", "domestic tyrant", "gossip",
"bribe taker", "corrupt", "killer", etc.), which
makes it possible to distinguish them in a
separate group.
The spectrum of nuclear connotations used in the
texts of the judicial and legal media discourse
covers semantic groups that are heterogeneous in
their genesis, whose significance nevertheless
has the character of a universal for most ethnic
groups. Such concepts with pronounced
emotivity include the basic components of the
conceptual field "age" (for example, in the dyad
"old people and children"), "gender" (for
example, emphasis: pregnant women and
widows), "health" (for example: "healthy –
wounded, crippled, disabled"), "social status"
(namely: "widow", "orphan", "refugee",
"evictee", "migrant", "deserter", "prisoner of
war", etc.). The emphasis on certain aspects is
immediately set in the very title of the document.
At the macro level, we can trace the external
conditions and the results of socio-historical
actions of a criminal, illegal nature, when
people's behavior depends on ethno-sociocultural
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processes, crises of institutions and power
structures. Microanalysis allows us to identify
the mechanism of interpersonal interaction, the
reasons that determine illegal human behavior
(motives, motives, values).
Acknowledgement
The research was carried out at the expense of the
grant of the Russian Science Foundation No. 22-
18-20109, https://rscf.ru/project/22-18-20109 /,
"Krasnoyarsk Regional Fund for the Support of
Scientific and Scientific-technical Activities" (I.
S.Karabulatova, K.V.Vorontsov).
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